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Topics ASEAN Disgusting reports Education Environment Esperanto info in Bahasa Melayu info in Chinese info in English Komen-komen Link Mind our English Politics Rojak issues Sayang-sayang Strictly Malaysia Trade Members Sign In	Entries in "Strictly Malaysia" << < | 1 2 3 4 5 6 A bridge too far for Malaysia's premier 0 Comments / Subscribe To Comments Published: Aug.08.2006 @ 2:35 pm   http://www.atimes.com      A bridge too far for Malaysia's premier By Mageswary Ramakrishnan KUALA LUMPUR - A growing tussle between Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and his strong-willed predecessor, Mahathir Mohamad, has complicated the premier's reform plans and cast a dark cloud over the political scene. Abdullah rose to power with Mahathir's overt blessing in 2003, and with a promise to reform the links between government and business that characterized Mahathir's 22-year tenure. Nearly three years later, a series of politically charged policy decisions has put the two leaders on a collision course that is testing Abdullah's grip on power. Abdullah's recent decision to suspend construction of a half-built bridge from Malaysia's Johor province to Singapore reportedly infuriated Mahathir, 80, who made an executive decision to build the massive bridge two months before announcing his resignation in 2003. Mahathir had earlier promised to inspect the bridge's construction, even if he was no longer in power. His son sits on the board of one of the Malaysian companies involved in the bridge's construction. Abdullah also recently sacked the chief executive officer of the national car maker, Proton, a well-known Mahathir associate. Mahathir, who currently serves as a senior adviser to the company, publicly condemned the decision. Proton was largely shielded from international competition during Mahathir's tenure, where high tariffs made foreign cars as much as triple the price of Proton's cars. Abdullah has since moved tentatively to reduce those trade barriers. On his resignation, Mahathir overtly decided against taking on the title of mentor minister, as Lee Kwan Yew did in Singapore to maintain a measure of influence over major government policies. Now that Abdullah's policies have exposed chinks in Mahathir's political legacy, the tough-talking former premier is fighting back with a surprising vengeance. Mahathir's beefs against Abdullah's government center primarily on the latter's slow but steady drive to dismantle the various nationalistic economic programs Mahathir conceived and built up in pursuit of rapid economic growth. Political insiders say that Mahathir also resents Abdullah's conciliatory diplomatic approach toward Singapore and the West, including the United States - countries with which Mahathir frequently took issue as de facto spokesman for the developing world. In a recent interview with Malaysiakini, coincidentally the online newspaper his government had raided and frequently harassed, Mahathir vented his anger against Abdullah through a series of not-so-veiled accusations. He opined broadly that the prime minister's family members should not be allowed to conduct business with the government. The comments were an apparent jab at Abdullah's son, Kamaluddin Abdullah, who is head of the government-linked oil-and-gas company Scomi. Kamaluddin has come under heavy political fire for his alleged involvement in producing parts that were subsequently sent to Libya and deployed as centrifuges in Tripoli's nuclear program. (Libya has since announced it would scrap its nuclear program in an agreement with Washington.) According to media reports, Kamaluddin claims that he was unaware of how the devices were to be used. However, the prime minister's critics claim that his government has moved to cover up details of the scandal through detaining Sri Lankan businessman Buhary Syed Abu Tahir - one of Kamaluddin's business partners who is also an alleged senior figure in the proliferation network of Pakistani scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan - under the Internal Security Act (ISA), which allows for indefinite detention without trial. Abdullah signed the detention order, which was not publicly announced, in his capacity as home minister, according to media reports. The use of the ISA against potential government critics for alleged national-security purposes harks to the darkest days of Mahathir's authoritarian rule. Other government critics note that Abdullah's son-in-law, Khairy Jamaluddin, has rapidly risen to the post of deputy chief of the United Malay National Organization's (UMNO's) youth wing, putting him in line for a future leadership position inside the ruling party. Broad allegations of nepotism and abuse of power in government, particularly stemming from Mahathir and his supporters, are clearly aimed at undermining Abdullah's reform credentials, even though many of his initiatives have in reality pushed crucial reforms forward. Waning popularity Mahathir has aired his complaints and grievances at a time Abdullah's popularity is clearly on the wane. Growing indications are that Abdullah, who won a landslide electoral victory in 2004 on a clean-government ticket, has not been able to stem the systemic government corruption he inherited from Mahathir's administration. On the economic front, the cost of living is rapidly rising, and street protests against the government's decision to raise fuel prices have become an almost weekly affair. Moreover, an emboldened civil society has called on his government to divulge more information about the finances of Petronas, the national oil-and-gas giant. Political insiders say the strains have led to infighting among Abdullah's senior advisers, and the soft-spoken and fervently religious premier has failed to bridge the growing internal divisions inside his UMNO party. How many of these allegations are anti-Abdullah spin leveled by his political rivals is difficult to discern. A thick veil of opacity still surrounds the workings of government, a holdover from Mahathir's days in power that Abdullah has for whatever reason decided to keep intact. "If Abdullah has been making reforms, the results are not seen. It's something I cannot see myself. It's one of his weaknesses," said Mohammad Agus Yusoff, a senior Kuala Lumpur-based political scientist. Increasingly, Abdullah is being portrayed as a slow and indecisive leader - in direct contrast to the firebrand, can-do image Mahathir carefully crafted for himself. Abdullah's critics point in particular to his recent flip-flop on the government's policy toward illegal migrant workers, a lightning-rod political issue here. First Abdullah announced a crackdown, then called it off without explanation. "Abdullah's most telling weakness is his inability to make decisions," said a local political reporter, requesting anonymity. Abdullah has also been slighted both by his supporters and by his critics for his inability to shake up the political status quo, which he boldly vowed to do while on the 2004 election trail. Abdullah's cabinet notably returned many discredited politicians, many of whom are known to have direct ties to Mahathir. "Abdullah's cabinet lineup shocked the nation," said political scientist Mohammed Agus. "Ministers whose reputation has taken a serious whack due to graft are still there." Perhaps most troubling is Abdullah's apparent willingness to crack down on dissent, eerily similar to the oppressive tactics Mahathir used to stay in power unopposed for more than 22 years. Abdullah in January ordered the sacking of two editors of a Chinese-language daily newspaper, representing a crude and direct intervention in the workings of the press. The newspaper stood accused of wrongly identifying as a Chinese national a woman who was caught on camera being strip-searched by security personnel. Abdullah's government had apologized to Beijing over the incident based on information in the news reports. "People thought he would be different, more tolerant of dissenting views," said the news reporter, adding: "All that was mere lip service." With such reform setbacks, and with Mahathir nipping at his heels, Abdullah's political clout is waning inside UMNO. His proposal to form an Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) was openly rejected by the UMNO-controlled parliament and many top-ranking police officers have threatened to resign if the new body is created. Police officers have also publicly vowed they will vote for opposition candidates at the next general elections in 2008 if the IPCMC is implemented. Faced with such opposition, Abdullah has since gone quiet on one of the Malaysia's most pressing reform issues: police reform. "His attitude now shows, quite clearly, he has no voice, no power," a civil-rights activist who supports the IPCMC legislation said on condition of anonymity. "He is a weak prime minister." Less than two years into his term, Abdullah's ability to effect political change has clearly diminished. As Mahathir and his supporters go on the offensive against his government, Abdullah will need to spend valuable political energy just to maintain his grip on power, leaving him less time and clout to dismantle the political and economic system Mahathir built and Abdullah had once boldly vowed to change. Mageswary Ramakrishnan is a Kuala Lumpur-based journalist.
Malaysia: Minorities wary of Islamist overtures
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Published: Aug.08.2006 @ 2:32 pm
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Malaysia: Minorities wary of Islamist overtures By Baradan Kuppusamy KUALA LUMPUR - The opposition Parti Islam se-Malaysia (PAS) is making promises of "justice and equality" to the country's non-Muslims in an appeal to broaden its electoral support base in anticipation of general elections next year. Non-Muslims, including Chinese, Indians and other ethnic groups that make up 40% of Malaysia's 26 million people, though deeply desirous of political change, through their voting behavior have historically been suspicious of the fundamentalist PAS's political agenda. The PAS's new strategy seeks to convince non-Muslims that the party now aims to protect and preserve other cultures, traditions and religions. Moderate Muslim and non-Muslim voters punished PAS during the 2004 general election, where the party managed to retain just seven of its previous 27 seats in parliament. So bad was the drubbing that PAS opposition leader, Abdul Hadi Awang, lost his parliamentary seat. At the time, PAS ran on the promise to set up an Islamic theocracy if it came to power. The Islamic party has since undertaken a major makeover that is notably more in tune with the country's constitutional secular principles, which recognize the rights and interests of Chinese, Indians and other minorities. At the same time, a moderate, Western-educated group of leaders is also affecting sweeping changes through the National Front coalition government led by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO). Prompted by its 2004 electoral drubbing, PAS strategists are beginning to reach out to non-Muslims. Changes on the anvil include the party's new willingness to accept minority Chinese and Indians as associate members, a stated readiness to field non-Muslims as candidates in elections under the Islamic banner, and opening membership in the traditionally all-male Supreme Council to women. "PAS members are now more mature and educated to accept such ideas," said PAS deputy president Nasaruddin Isa. "Islam guarantees equality and justice for all members, irrespective of their religion and race." Critics argue that the changes are insincere and specifically designed to temper the party's extremist image that ill-served the party during the 2004 election. Political analysts contend that the party still needs to widen its appeal and articulate its new moderate message in secular rather than Islamist language. It would also be well served in campaigning on issues with universal appeal, such as the recent fuel-price hikes. It's still unclear how non-Muslims, who historically have directly opposed PAS's theocratic ambitions, will react to the party's changes. PAS has its public relations machine in motion and is readying a road show to demonstrate its new moderate outlook and openness. PAS, which rules Kelantan state in northern Malaysia, is also offering non-Muslims what they have desired since independence in 1957 - equality with native Malays through abolition of the UMNO-administered affirmative-action policies that favor ethnic Malays over other ethnic groups. PAS is also promising a more transparent, accountable and avowed corruption-free government, in which the sole criterion for participation in the party is merit rather than race or religion. All of those policies are attractive to non-Muslims, but the fear of PAS's previous vow to establish a theocratic state is deep-rooted. Islamic fears That fear has traditionally driven Malaysia's non-Muslims into supporting the 14-party coalition government that has been in power since 1957, even though the National Front implemented and maintains its biased affirmative-action policies. Led by the UMNO, the National Front has dominated politics because non-Muslims have supported it in exchange for the party's guarantee of adherence to secularism. "It is a very interesting experiment PAS has embarked upon. Previously, there was considerable non-Muslim sympathy for PAS because it had dedicated and incorruptible leaders who preached justice and equality," said Raja Petra Kamaruddin, editor of the Malaysia Today news website. "But after [September 11, 2001] and the 'war on terror', the very word 'Islam' terrifies non-Muslims. "PAS is out to clean up this image in time for an early general election," he said. Kamaruddin admits that the divide between Muslims and non-Muslims has widened considerably in recent years. "Even opposition political parties refuse to join an opposition coalition if PAS is a member," he said. In the aftermath of Malaysia's 1999 general election, non-Muslim voters punished the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP), which largely represents the interests of the ethnic-Chinese community, for forming a coalition with PAS. After the DAP walked out of the coalition, those same voters rewarded it by increasing their numbers at the 2004 general election. Opposition icon Anwar Ibrahim, who was imprisoned by former premier Mahathir Mohamad, is now free and racing against time to persuade non-Muslims not to fall prey to anti-Islam phobia. Anwar, who has formed an alliance with PAS, is now trying to woo the secular DAP into his political camp. But many DAP leaders recall what happened when they joined forces with PAS in the past and are opposed to the idea unless PAS publicly renounces its Islamic agenda. More than a million Malay Muslims voted for PAS in the 2004 general election, implicitly endorsing the party's Islamic-state platform. For PAS to renounce that policy, political analysts say, would risk undermining its main support base and could lead to internal dissension among senior party members. Many non-Muslims are caught in the same catch-22 dilemma: they like PAS's clean image and transparent management, but they strongly oppose any political program based entirely on Islam. "I will join PAS if it gives up Islam," said trade unionist A V Kathiah. "Like me, many Malaysians will consider joining PAS because it has clean and credible leaders. The problem is that these leaders see everything through the prism of Islam." Mahfuz Omar, a senior PAS leader, said non-Muslim fears of Islam are irrational and unjustified. "PAS is making a big sacrifice by opening its doors to non-Muslims," he said. "Over time, non-Muslims will realize that Islam is perfect for this life and the hereafter. What more would anybody want?" In this existence, Malaysia's non-Muslims clearly want political equality, the repeal of unequal laws and an end to policies that favor the dominant Malay race over others. While the PAS's new strategy addresses important issues of cultural autonomy, ethnic equality and integrity, suspicions also remain about the party's historically controversial policies on religious freedom, gender equality and even dress codes. (Inter Press Service)

Malaysia moving backward on human rights By Ioannis Gatsiounis KUALA LUMPUR - The Malaysian government has long held that promoting human rights over national security would undermine the country's economic development. As a multi-ethnic country with a history of racial and religious antagonisms, relaxing restrictions on individual freedoms would invite destabilization and undermine progress, officials have long claimed. That philosophy was deeply entrenched during Mahathir Mohamad's 22-year rule as prime minister, when the country leaped from being a backwater to an industrialized powerhouse despite an abysmal rights record. Hopes ran high that Mahathir's successor, current Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, would reverse that trend and allow for more political and social openness. Nearly three years into his term, however, those once-high hopes have waned as Abdullah has chosen to leave in place many of the strictures that characterized Mahathir's rule. Compared with Asia's more dynamic democracies, social progress has badly lagged economic development in Malaysia. Government officials are still grappling with how to cultivate a dynamic, progressive-minded citizenry without relinquishing control. At the same time, class disparity is widening, corruption runs rampant and many argue that the courts and police long ago lost their moral legitimacy as impartial arbiters. After years of affirmative-action programs, race relations between the majority Muslim Malays and minority Chinese and Indians are still on edge. Abdullah has been credited with acknowledging these concerns and has paid lip service to the crucial connection between human rights and nation-building. "Abdullah has allowed for greater public dialogue regarding promotion of human rights," said lawyer Param Cumaraswamy, a founding member of Malaysia's Human Rights Committee. "The climate has been more open and we're seeing more discussions between the government and civil-society groups." At the same time, there are doubts Abdullah has the political will to put his more liberal rhetoric into action. "Badawi is hiding behind the impression he gives that he's a good man with a soft approach," said human-rights lawyer P Uthayakumar. Of the hundreds of letters Uthayakumar says he has written to Abdullah about specific instances of human-rights abuses, he said: "Almost none have received a response." Malaysia's mainstream media, though still tightly controlled and, in the main, servile to Abdullah's United Malays National Organization (UMNO) party, has been allowed to touch lightly on certain sensitive race and religion issues under Abdullah's watch. Yet behind Abdullah's nice-guy image there have been a string of developments that raise serious doubts about his commitment to protect and promote human rights and more democracy. Chief among those concerns are media freedoms, police conduct, religious persecution and his administration's continued reliance on draconian legislation to curb dissent, say rights advocates. The 1984 Printing Presses and Publications Act, which through annual re-licensing requirements keeps media owners on guard against offending the government, is still firmly in place. Moreover, Abdullah has frequently reprimanded the local media when it falls out of step with the government's news agenda. On June 26, a Mandarin-language call-in radio program, The Mic Is On, With Love, Without Obstacles, was ordered by the government to change its format after airing a segment critical of a controversial order affecting Chinese-language schools. Nor has Abdullah's government been above overt censorship. Mahathir's recent criticism of Abdullah's policies, in which he has referred to his successor's reform agenda as a "big bluff", has notably been blacked out of the mainstream media. Mahathir has instead vented his criticisms over the Internet-based media he once sought to silence, including an exclusive interview with Malaysiakini.com. (Through a legal loophole, Internet media in Malaysia are not constrained by the renewable-licensing requirements the print and broadcast media face.) "We've seen some opening up and at the same time a strong willingness to black out issues to suit [Abdullah's] political agenda," said Sonia Randhawa, executive director at the Kuala Lumpur-based Center for Independent Journalism. "He may not have the dominant personality of Mahathir, but he has quietly cultivated close links with the media to informally pressure them to pursue the agenda of the government." One example: a bloody police crackdown on a peaceful demonstration against Abdullah's decision to raise fuel prices sharply in May was not carried by any mainstream media. Where Abdullah has pursued substantive reforms, he has often met firm resistance. For instance, his plans to set up an Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC) to address the police force's long record of corruption, inefficiency and abuse was widely lauded by rights advocates. It would be "the single biggest advancement in human rights in this country", contended Uthayakumar. However, the official police website promised retaliation and threatened to allow crime to escalate if the proposed new watchdog body was established. Some Kuala Lumpur-based analysts suggest that the most worrying trend is creeping Islamization through the judiciary. A number of recent court decisions have set the sharia (Islamic law) courts against the civil courts and have challenged the supremacy of Malaysia's secular constitution, which guarantees equality and freedom of worship. One recent decision involved a woman who was born Muslim but had renounced Islam in 1998 to convert to Christianity. However, sharia courts refused to recognize or accept her apostasy and punished her under Islamic law. The other controversial decision involved a Hindu-born soldier who was buried as a Muslim after sharia courts decided that he had converted to Islam. The courts refused to hear testimony from his widow, who steadfastly insisted her spouse was not a Muslim. Malaysia's parliament last year passed a new Islamic Family Law that aims to provide legal protections for Muslim men to engage in polygamy and divorce. The bill led social activist Marina Mahathir to say, "Only in Malaysia are Muslim women regressing. In every other Muslim country in the world, women have been gaining rights, not losing them." Abdullah has since agreed to review the bill. Abdullah's defenders say he should not be held accountable for the rising tide of conservative Islam and its associated abuses, which they contend were on the ascent before he assumed power. Moreover, Abdullah, a religious scholar, has championed what he calls Islam Hadhari, or "Civilizational Islam", a moderate brand of the religion that stresses technological and economic competitiveness, moderation, tolerance and social justice. Critics point out that Islam Hadhari's moderate vision has been used to entrench Islam into Malaysia's multi-ethnic fabric. For instance, Islam Hadhari played prominently in the recently promulgated Ninth Malaysia Plan, a five-year socio-economic policy template. "This is the first time the nation's economic and social plan has used religion to shape the national agenda," said Lim Teck Ghee, director for the Center for Public Policy Studies at the Asian Strategy and Leadership and Institute in Kuala Lumpur. Ethnic favoritism threatens Malaysia's delicate social balance. Non-Muslim members of parliament recently withdrew a formal letter addressed to Abdullah requesting better protection of religious minorities' rights after the request sparked a backlash in UMNO. They were reacting partially to a state-approved demolition campaign of a number of Hindu temples that officials have claimed lack proper registration documents. "I said that they should withdraw the memorandum and they agreed," Abdullah was quoted as saying without explanation. "So it is over." A close ally of Abdullah, Minister in the Prime Minister's Department Mohamed Nazri, called on non-Muslims not to interfere in discussions about Islam and threatened to use the Sedition Act against those who insulted Islam. Cut of the same cloth Ironically, some argue that recent abuses are rooted in Abdullah's non-confrontational, self-effacing style - which marks a stark contrast to former prime minister Mahathir's forceful leadership. That, political analysts argue, has opened the way for competing interest groups to more openly speak their mind and pursue policies that favor the majority Malays over minority Chinese and Indians. "It's partly due to the opening up of the system," said Joseph Roy, director of Amnesty International's Malaysian chapter. "But Badawi has to be stronger, clearer where he stands, otherwise people will take advantage and there will be more human-rights abuses on a systematic level and few fundamental changes on the ground." Ivy Josiah, executive director of Women's Aid Organization, said, "Badawi needs to set the bar on human rights standards." To illustrate her point, Josiah mentioned a recent forum held in the northern state of Penang organized to discuss overlapping jurisdictions between civil and sharia courts. Five hundred Muslim protesters under an "Anti-Inter-Faith Commission Body" banner demanded that the event be canceled. Rather than taking a clear stand and providing protection to the seminar goers, according to Josiah, Abdullah said merely that it was a sensitive issue and he refused to intervene. According to witnesses, the event was canceled at the request of police, who feared that the demonstrators would barge into the premises. Moreover, many of Abdullah's more progressive policies have been slow in the implementation. For instance, his much-vaunted National Integrity Plan (NIP), which aimed at reducing inefficiency and corruption in government by imbuing Malaysians with a greater sense of right and wrong, has badly lagged in actual implementation. Most Malaysians remain unfamiliar with the plan's key principles and only in April did UMNO's powerful youth wing agree to draw up an action plan to implement it, a full two years after it was first promulgated. "If Mahathir were Abdullah with Abdullah's agenda, things would move," said K S Nathan of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore. "A strategy would be in place, backed by strong convictions. Mahathir was the first to say the buck stops here; Badawi is passing the buck around." Though different in style, the two Malaysian leaders share similar political instincts - if not tactics. Like Abdullah, Mahathir promised liberal reforms during his first three years in office, including allowing more freedom of expression. Soon after assuming the premiership, Mahathir famously released a batch of prisoners who were then being held under the Internal Security Act (ISA), which allows for indefinite detention without trial. Yet both Mahathir and Abdullah have relied heavily on the ISA and other draconian laws aimed at promoting national security over individual rights to crack down on political opposition. Both leaders have also displayed a tendency to justify their own abuses by harping on other, usually Western, countries' policy discrepancies. Mahathir famously lashed out at the United States' Jewish population, which he often claimed sought to undermine Muslim nations. Last month Abdullah drew a sharp retort from US-based Human Rights Watch when he called for the closure of the United States' prison in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. An HRW report last month noted that more than 60 of the estimated 100 detainees held under the ISA are allegedly associated with the Islamist group Jemaah Islamiah, adding, "The government has recently expanded its use of the Internal Security Act to include individuals accused of counterfeiting and forging documents." Brad Adams, HRW's Asia director, said: "Abdullah has urged the US to close Guantanamo, yet his own government is holding detainees indefinitely without trial." To be sure, human-rights considerations in a multi-ethnic country such as Malaysia are seldom black and white. Some contest that there are reasons for rights proponents to feel encouraged by developments under Abdullah, says Elina Noor with the Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS) in Kuala Lumpur. Top ministers in Abdullah's cabinet, she points out, rejected a plan by authorities in Melaka state to set up a moral police force to spy on people and deter behavior considered indecent under Islamic law. An Islamic body tried to set up a similar force in Kuala Lumpur that was disallowed when Abdullah told his cabinet that no group has the right to spy on people. "The government is actually doing a lot to moderate these issues," Noor said. However, she also conceded that many Malaysians are understandably worried about "how sporadic the efforts are". Three years into Abdullah's term, many Malaysians are unsure where his government comes really down on promoting rights. Political historians believe that, similar to Mahathir, Abdullah will show his true colors some time during the three-year mark of his five-year term. But with little passed in the way of legal reforms to deter human-rights abuses, he "is left with everything in his palm to be used should he feel insecure or threatened, when he feels the need to fight back", said Elizabeth Wong, secretary general of the National Human Rights Society in Malaysia. "And politicians in possession of the trump card rarely fail to use it when they feel the need." Ioannis Gatsiounis, a New York native, has worked as a freelance foreign correspondent and previously co-hosted a weekly political/cultural radio call-in show in the US.

In Malaysia, 'too sensitive' for debate By Ioannis Gatsiounis KUALA LUMPUR - At a time when rage and intolerance are eating away at the Islamic world, Malaysia has stood out as a source of hope. Its Muslims have co-existed peacefully with the 40% non-Muslim population. There has been no major incident of violence committed in the name of Islam on Malaysian soil. It's no wonder Muslim and Western leaders hold Malaysia in high esteem. Next month their hat-tipping is set to continue, when Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi delivers a keynote address at the sixth Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in Finland. The European Union wants Abdullah to share his thoughts on Malaysia's success in the areas of race relations and inter-faith issues. If the past is any indication, Abdullah will claim tolerance and unity as enduring traits of the Malaysian people. He will swear by Islam Hadhari (Civilizational Islam), a political and ideological interpretation of the faith that stresses moderation and technological and economic competitiveness. But back home a very different reality is unfolding on Abdullah's watch, one that raises questions about his commitment to Islam Hadhari and may have far-reaching implications for this "model Islamic democracy". Hardline Muslims have grown more vocal in recent months, demonstrating at forums held by a coalition of non-governmental organizations, known as Article 11, that wants the government to put its weight behind the Malaysian constitution, which guarantees equality and freedom of worship, as the supreme law of the land. Article 11 is concerned that sharia (Islamic law) courts have recently taken primacy over civil courts in a number of controversial decisions. The hardliners are also opposed to efforts to establish an Inter-Faith Commission to enhance understanding among Malaysia's various faiths. The latest protest came on July 22 in the state of Johor Bahru. As Article 11 gathered in an upper-floor hotel ballroom, some 300 Muslims scowled from behind a police line at the hotel entrance, brandishing signs that read, "Don't touch Muslim sensitivities," "Destroy anti-Muslims," and "We are ready to sacrifice ourselves for Islam." In May hardliners threatening to storm an Article 11 venue succeeded in bringing the forum to an abrupt end. And now Abdullah has seen enough - not from the hardliners, though, as one might expect, but from Article 11. "Do not force the government to take action," he warned the coalition. He accused Article 11 of playing up religious issues and threatening to shatter Malaysia's fragile social balance by highlighting "sensitive" issues. (It is an article of faith in Malaysia that "sensitive" issues should not be discussed openly.) And yet it is these same issues - race, religion and the affirmative-action program benefiting the majority Malays - that are dearest to most Malaysians' hearts, that are discussed passionately, albeit behind closed doors, within one's own racial community. Abdullah has issued a stern warning to the media to stop reporting on issues related to religious matters. And he has not ruled out using the Internal Security Act, which allows for indefinite detention without trial, against Article 11 members should they continue with their activities. Abdullah's position appears to be rooted in the kind of irresolute behavior that has characterized a number of his decisions since he came to power three years ago. For instance, he declared an all-out war on graft that has fizzled because, many suspect, he fears confronting the old guard in his ruling party, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO). But it also follows another worrying trend of the Badawi era, and that is to give Islam a peculiar prominence in Malaysia's political and social landscape. Malaysia's Muslim-dominated leadership has long given Islam priority in Malaysia. The constitution recognizes Islam as Malaysia's official religion. It is illegal to debate the affirmative-action program benefiting the majority ethnic group, the Malays (who by law are born into Islam). Abdullah's predecessor, Mahathir Mohamad, labeled Malaysia "an Islamic state". And all of Malaysia's five prime ministers have promoted Islamic values in one form or another. The Badawi era, however, has witnessed a growing number of politicians, religious administrators, authorities and activists making their own rules, their own pronouncements and judgments on things that are beyond their purview. Last year an angry mob attacked a commune run by a Malay apostate. Muslim moral police have more aggressively targeted Malays for "deviant" behavior, going so far in some states as to try to establish "snoop squads". And sharia courts are said to be over-stepping their bounds in making rulings involving non-Muslims. Abdullah has been less than resolute in handling Malaysia's creeping fundamentalism, which is not to suggest the former Islamic scholar is promoting an intolerant strain of Islam. To be fair, Malaysia is a tricky place to govern. It requires deftly balancing the needs of the majority Muslim Malays with those of the Indian and Chinese minorities to prevent social unrest. And yet Abdullah knows that maintaining political control will require first and foremost placating the Malays. But by caving in to hardline sensitivities over inter-faith dialogue and the supremacy of the constitution, Abdullah, inadvertently or otherwise, appears to be going beyond merely accommodating the Malay community to the point of empowering its fringes. And the dangers this may engender should not be underestimated - this being an era in which a growing number of Muslims around the world are resorting to intolerance to advance their causes and feeling inspired by the results (violent protests against the publication of cartoons depicting the Prophet Mohammed is but one example). Abdullah's stance against Article 11 could be read as in keeping with Mahathir's belief that greater freedom of expression will stoke inter-ethnic tensions. But Abdullah's position is less encompassing. It is a lopsidedly selective application: it is to allow hostile segments of the Muslim community to use free speech to dictate the limits of free speech. This double standard was on full display two weeks ago, when Abdullah's powerful son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin rallied members of UMNO in a protest outside the US Embassy in Kuala Lumpur. Traffic stalled as the angry mob chanted, "Destroy Israel, down with Israel," and burned Israeli and US flags. Racial and religious sensitivities run deep in Malaysia, and all of Malaysia's communities have inherited legitimate grievances over the years. But those sensitivities may be catching up with the country. Experts note that the Malays, Indians and Chinese have been drifting apart. A recent survey found that the majority of Malaysians do not trust one another and seek refuge in their own ethnic community - contradicting Malaysia's elaborately crafted outward display as a paradise of multiculturalism. Abdullah will no doubt tear a page from that book when he travels to Europe for the ASEM meeting, while back home a new chapter is being written. Ioannis Gatsiounis, a New York native, has worked as a freelance foreign correspondent and previously co-hosted a weekly political/cultural radio call-in show in the US.

Malaysia's Anwar Ibrahim speaks his mind By Zari Bukhari and Shawn W Crispin KUALA LUMPUR - Former Malaysian deputy prime minister and finance minister Anwar Ibrahim is on the political offensive. Nearly two years after his early release from six years in prison on trumped-up corruption and sodomy charges, he now represents the biggest opposition threat to Malaysia's government led by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO). Once groomed as former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad's successor, Anwar, now 58, has spread his wings widely since his 2004 release, serving as an academic fellow at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies in Washington and later teaching courses on Arab politics, inter-religious relations and Islam and modernity at Georgetown University. On the international lecture circuit, including high-profile stops in Europe and the Middle East, he frequently speaks about the growing schism between Islam and the West. Throughout, Anwar has presented himself as the cool, rational voice of moderate Islam, and his name is now frequently mentioned as a possible successor to outgoing United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan. Although his candidacy has not been launched formally, Anwar is believed to have support in Europe and close ties with several senior US political figures, including World Bank president Paul Wolfowitz and former US trade representative and deputy secretary of state Robert Zoellick. In a recent e-mail interview with Asia Times Online contributor Zari Bukhari and Southeast Asia editor Shawn W Crispin, Anwar aired his views on Malaysian politics, his personal future and the escalating conflict in the Middle East. ATol: How and why in your opinion would you represent a better political choice than the incumbent UMNO-led government? What would you handle differently and what specific political, economic and social policies would you enact toward that end? Anwar: I believe that the opposition, particularly [Partai] Keadilan [Sejahtera], would be able to offer a new brand of politics in Malaysia. There is a greater realization that the race-based politics of the ruling BN [Barisan Nasional] is obsolete, and is unable to face the present challenges. First, we are committed to democratic renewal - abolishing draconian laws such as the ISA [Internal Security Act], enhancing the role of parliament, restoring the independence of the judiciary and freeing up the media. Secondly, we are committed to a new economic agenda - one that takes a non-racial approach towards enhancing economic competitiveness and alleviating poverty for all Malaysians. ATol: How do you reconcile your moderate Muslim image with your affiliation with the Islamic fundamentalist PAS [Parti Islam SeMalaysia, or Islamic Party of Malaysia]? Is this a marriage of political convenience, or does your affiliation indicate that you have returned to the more conservative Islamic views you held during your early political career? Anwar: Yes, PAS is a political party based on Islamic ideals. Yet what many people fail to appreciate is that it has been operating faithfully within the democratic framework for over 50 years, in spite of undue pressures exerted to its participation by the BN government. There are things [on] which I do not agree with PAS, but in my engagement with them I am confident that we can work on a minimum set of programs that are in tandem with Keadilan's ideals. When I was arrested under the ISA for the first time, it was because I protested against the poverty and economic deprivation of the rural folk in Baling, Kedah. My commitment to Islam has always been consistent - as a source of an ethical framework for Malaysia, and one that promotes freedom, justice and human dignity. ATol: What is your assessment of Abdullah Badawi's government? Has he lived up to his reform promise and, if not, what do you see as the more glaring discrepancies in his government's actions? What are your thoughts on the Mahathir versus Abdullah row? Do internal UMNO disputes provide you with a valuable political opening? Any plans to politically exploit the widening row? Anwar: Undoubtedly Abdullah's big victory in the 2004 elections was partly due to the fact that he campaigned on eradicating corruption and enhancing accountability. While there have been some changes - eg, in the freer democratic space, less interference in the judiciary - I think overall Abdullah has failed to fulfill his pledge. There seems to be a lot of intent, but not so much political will in initiating change within UMNO. A lot of people have been disappointed, and Mahathir is exploiting on this. Personally, I view this clash as a personal dispute, as it seems ironic that Mahathir is talking about strong opposition, free press and accountability when it was he who destroyed all that during his rule. I believe that this has allowed the people to see our consistent commitment to reform more clearly, and hopefully they will give us the opportunity to implement it. ATol: Looking back at your time in detention, what realizations did you come to while in prison about Malaysia's governance? As a former senior UMNO member, what do you view as the party's biggest historical shortcomings and future political soft spots? Anwar: Even when I was back in UMNO, I was committed towards combating corruption and promoting freedom. But when in prison, it made me realize that I underestimated the force of the vested interests that are committed to derail reform. The problem with UMNO is that it has been in power for so long, and that it relies on racial politics as its strength. At times, this requires it to stir racial emotions for the sake of political expediency, but at the expense of the country. ATol: Your name has recently been bandied about as a possible candidate to succeed Kofi Annan as United Nations secretary general. Any truth to those rumors, and if so, how will you campaign? Did you broach this idea with your contacts in Washington during your recent stint at Georgetown University? Obviously there is a growing global call for a moderate and modern Muslim leader to take the UN secretary-general post. Are you that candidate? Why or why not? Anwar: I have [made] some comments to that effect ... The problem is that the discussion involves presidents, prime ministers and foreign ministers. The discussion has been going on for the past six months, more serious now with non-governmental organizations and the UN apparatuses - across the world. So I don't think it's polite to be so dismissive in rejecting the option. Most of them asked me to give it serious thought, or at least to consider the option. To my colleagues here in the Keadilan and the opposition I have stated that my commitment is here. They asked, why don't I state a categoric rejection or denial? I told them I don't think that would be polite. I am not saying that it would be easy for me [to get the UN post] in the event I choose to run, but I think it is a serious proposition. But in the discussion with party leaders, I have made it clear that I am ready to work here. ATol: What are your thoughts on the unfolding events in the Middle East, including the spiraling Israel-Lebanon conflict, the United States' occupation of Iraq and the growing pressure emerging on Iran? As UN secretary general, how would you hypothetically respond to these challenges? Anwar: It is disgraceful that the US has given Israel yet another blank check in its offensive against Lebanon even when the whole world is condemning it. The US has to realize that it needs to be consistent to its own ideals of promoting freedom and democracy in the Middle East even if that requires distancing itself from Israel. This will only serve to infuriate Muslim opinion even more. The few Arab countries that the US can deal with are all unpopular with their own citizens. In reality, the UN can only do so much if the US continues to stand by Israel come what may. Israel must be reined in, and genuine democracy must be promoted in the region - which means the US must be prepared to deal with parties that are not willing to be dictated by its whims and fancies. This is really unfortunate, because historically the US has been seen as the beacon of freedom and democracy throughout the world. The neo-conservative policy unfortunately has only exacerbated anti-Americanism in the Muslim world.

Malaysia piggybacks on China's boom
By Federico Bordonaro

Perhaps more than any other Southeast Asian country, Malaysia has translated China's economic growth, often perceived as a threat in the region, into a huge economic opportunity.

Malaysia is one of Asia's most export-geared economies. Between 1970 and 2000, exports as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) rose from 73% to 202%, ranking Malaysia as the fourth-most-open economy in the world. In the Asia-Pacific region, only Singapore, Australia, Hong Kong and Taiwan still rank higher than Malaysia in the World Competitiveness Yearbook.

Buoyed by strong exports, Malaysia's GDP is on course to grow well over 6% this year, a marked improvement over last year's

 

5.3% showing. That performance is renewing foreign kudos for Malaysia's economic stewardship. European Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson last month praised Malaysia as a "showcase for rapid industrialization". The International Monetary Fund, meanwhile, expressed its view that Kuala Lumpur's handling of the economy was "skillful and pragmatic".

When Malaysia controversially slapped on capital controls in the wake of the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis, the country's economic management was called into question by a wide array of international commentators. Through heavy state intervention, Malaysia weathered that economic storm. Now, Malaysia is being looked upon as a regional model for how best to deal with China's rapid economic rise as the world's leading low-cost manufacturer.

As China entered many of the same low-end industries that fueled Southeast Asia's extraordinary growth in the 1980s and 1990s, many commentators predicted a large number of Malaysia's exporters would be driven out of business. Indeed, Malaysia's previous comparative advantage in unskilled, labor-intensive manufacturing has gradually been eroded by China's low-wage policies over the past decade.

However, Kuala Lumpur has managed to move many of its industries quickly up the value-added ladder into more high-skilled, technology-intensive manufacturing. In recent years, the government has led an investment spree into science and technology resources. It has also enhanced its already well-developed education system toward producing more skilled technicians and engineers.

As Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi recently aptly remarked in a speech: "Having First World infrastructure won't produce the desired results if coupled with a Third World mentality."

Profiting from China
Although electronics manufacturing is still Malaysia's most important economic sector, the country has astutely avoided industries that China is heavily invested in, and has moved into more high-end niche markets, including bio- and nanotechnologies, micro-electromechanical systems and other technology-related services.

At the same time, Abdullah's government is aware that while high-tech products and services are the country's future, traditional economic sectors must also be revitalized and improved. The recently promulgated Ninth Economic Plan lays particular stress on modernizing the agricultural sector.

The application of technology to agriculture - as some Western countries have achieved - is the key to expanding the sector and boosting its small and medium-sized enterprises. If effectively implemented, this approach signals a new holistic perspective and follows Thailand's example of trying to boost domestic demand through more globally oriented grassroots production.

Malaysia's relative success makes a strong argument for innovative state-led economic policies. The country has historically been criticized for the sometimes too cozy relations between industry and government, ties that Abdullah has vowed to break. But the government's past emphasis on maintaining the global competitiveness of national enterprises has contributed largely to the country's rising living standards and overall economic prosperity.

With government help, Malaysia's service providers are now expanding overseas, including in China. Construction, health care and education services have been identified by Minister for International Trade and Industry Rafidah Aziz as priority sectors for expansion into China.

Malaysian companies are now angling to win construction and management contracts for wastewater treatment plants, water supply works, and city gas-distribution projects on a build-operate-transfer basis in China. Malaysia is also in the process of partnering with United Kingdom and Australian universities to offer foreign university courses and degrees to Chinese students at cut-rate prices.

The country is also leveraging its expertise in electronics production to make more business inroads into China. SilTerra Malaysia, the country's leading semiconductor wafer foundry, is leveraging its expertise to join forces with emerging Chinese foundries. The Malaysian group excels in the highly competitive high-voltage and mixed-signal/radio frequency (RF) semiconductor markets, and its management stresses strict covenants on intellectual property protection - an area in which most Chinese companies are sorely lacking.

Malaysia's most successful and globally known enterprise is still its national oil-and-gas corporation, Petronas. Mahathir Mohamad, former prime minister and Petronas adviser, recently announced the group's record US$22 billion profit for the fiscal year ending March 31. Soaring oil and gas prices are helping Petronas expand its global operations and the company is angling to help sate China's growing appetite for fuels. The ambitious industrial policy outlined in Kuala Lumpur's Ninth Economic Plan includes upgrading various technology-oriented industries, and a portion of Petronas' profits are expected to be mobilized for that cause.

Muted terror risk
Malaysia's continued economic success relies heavily on political stability. And foreign analysts and investors are carefully monitoring Malaysia's security policy and its ongoing response to the regional terrorism threat. While Indonesia and Thailand have both been rocked by the spread of militant Islam, Malaysia has been wholly unaffected.

More than 60% of Malaysia's population is Muslim, and the government has struck a balanced approach to the security environment post-September 11, 2001. Kuala Lumpur has answered Washington's call to check the spread of Islamic extremist groups, but at the same time has maintained a large measure of strategic autonomy. Because Malaysia's population is a complex mix of Muslims, Hindus, Christians, Buddhists and Taoists, Kuala Lumpur has been careful not to fuel the fires of identity-based conflicts that could ignite extremist sentiments.

Malaysia has privately resisted US calls to play a bigger role in patrolling the Malacca Strait, which Washington and regional security analysts have identified as a potential terrorist target.

The escalating conflict in southern Thailand represents the largest security risk to Malaysia. The Thai government has repeatedly alleged that Muslim militants have taken refuge in northern Malaysia after staging attacks in Thailand - charges that Kuala Lumpur contends are unsubstantiated. So far, however, there are no indications the conflict could spill over the countries' shared border.

Threats to Malaysia's national interests remain low-intensity, including long-running territorial disputes with Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines. Instead, Malaysia's leaders are able to focus more of their attention on growing economic ties and competition with China while maintaining their historic markets in Japan, the US and Europe. If Abdullah's administration can stay its current policy course, Malaysia will be one of the biggest regional beneficiaries of China's rise.

Federico Bordonaro is senior analyst with the Power and Interest News Report. He can be contacted at fbordonaro@NOSPAMpinr.com.