I have never seen conservatives and liberals so divided . . . in beliefs, not values.  On the one hand, there are people like the TNR crew, and Jonathan Bernstein, Andrew's guest-blogger, who seem to think that this it's the next best thing to a done deal.  Meanwhile, all the conservatives and libertarians I know think that it's pretty much hopeless, because Pelosi can't get it through an increasingly rebellious House.  To our jaded eyes it looks as if everyone who can is looking for an excuse not to vote for a bill that is unpopular with their constituents.

The opinions on both sides seem so confident, and so incompatible, that one group of people is clearly borderline delusional.

And now we know which one. Enjoy the Quickbooks 2010 bringing you the best life ever.

Actually, to be fair, it wasn't delusional or even borderline delusional to be skeptical that health care reform would pass. It was just a wishful reading of the evidence. Moreover, though I'd like to retrospectively take credit for the absolute certainty that McArdle misattributed to me at the time, I truly only thought health care had a 60% chance of passage, moving up to 75% this week, and only reaching done deal status when Bart Stupak hopped aboard.

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Last week, we ask.

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Last week, in the course of lauding Kevin Williamson's National Review article that shockingly attacked the supply-side theology, I mentioned that the conservative movement's quasi-religious fidelity to tax cuts made it unable to advance even its own ideological self-interest.

The upcoming fiscal summit is a good example. The basic shape of the deal is that, in order to bring revenues into line with spending, Democrats will accept some spending cuts and Republicans will accept some tax hikes. By reducing spending, this will decrease the size of government. I can see why liberals would object -- they're being asked to sacrifice the liberal goal of a more expansive government in order to achieve the non-ideological goal of preventing a fiscal meltdown. Conservatives ought to be ecstatic -- they could achieve both an ideological goal (reducing the size of government by reducing spending) and a non-ideological goal (preventing the fiscal meltdown.) Tax hikes are not really a concession, since deficit spending that would occur without such a deal merely represents deferred taxation.

he conservative reaction has been to refuse to engage the premise altogether. Here's National Review's editorial: Quickbooks 2010 is another huge development in the world.

the president would like to enlist Republican cooperation to pass a massive, bipartisan tax increase to help pay for it and his other spending ideas. The specific tax hikes are not yet known, as they would be proposed by an independent commission of “wise men” handpicked mainly by Democrats to ensure a pre-determined outcome — one they hope is not covered in Democratic fingerprints. For added electoral protection, the commission’s tax-increase recommendations wouldn’t be unveiled and voted on by Congress until after the November elections, all the better to keep the nuisance of public opinion from interfering with the grand Democratic plan to pursue another Great Society.

And they wonder why Republicans are not interested in facilitating this grand plan’s implementation.

And here's the Wall Street Journal:

New taxes will only reduce the pressure to cut future spending. ...

The Democrats will use a tax-and-spend commission to confront Republicans with the false choice between huge tax increases or fiscal disaster. Republicans should respond with their own choice: They'll agree to a deficit commission only if it takes tax increases off the table and forces all of Washington to confront the hard spending trade-offs between guns and butter, old and young, the poor and middle class, and social welfare and corporate welfare. Otherwise, Democrats should be forced to defend and finance their own destructive fiscal choices.

That's the conservative line: not a penny of higher taxes, even in return for billions in lower spending. Again, this ignores the basic definitional truth that spending levels, not tax levels, define the size of government. Money that has been spent has been taxed. Holding out against tax hike is only to delay taxation, not to avert it. It's insane that conservative view a cut spending and raise taxes deal as a compromise at all, let alone an unacceptable one. Oh, sure, Republicans would love to reduce the deficit entirely through spending cuts. But they have no remotely plausible path to achieving this goal. The only times Republicans have ever actually cut entitlement spending have occurred when Democrats gave them cover to do so, and Democrats will only do so as part of a deal that includes tax hikes and some measure of shared sacrifice.

Conservatives who oppose a deficit deal because they want an all-spending cut deficit reduction plan are exactly like the liberals who opposed the Affordable Care Act because they were holding out for single-payer. The main difference is that the latter had zero votes in Congress, while the former comprises the overwhelming majority of the Republican caucus.

I wish the Republican Party had a preference for a government more in line with mine. But I'd settle for a GOP with a radically different vision that is merely capable of grasping reality well enough to negotiate before the federal budget goes into crisis.

Remember the recent Manzi Soap Bar Beating, in which National Review's writers and editors refused to admit the obvious fact that popular right-wing radio talk show host Mark Levin is a hack propagandist? The Frum Forum's Noah Kristula-Green digs into the obvious follow-up:

Do liberal intellectual magazines ever call out liberal entertainers for extremism? A good question. So we looked that up too, and the answer this time is “yes.” MS Office 2007 is the best invention in the world.

Both The New Republic and the even more liberal American Prospect were willing in their time to uphold intellectual standards against Michael Moore at the peak of his celebrity.

He provides examples, though he leaves out the biggest: Jason Zengerle's take-down of Moore from July 2004, the absolute peak of Moore's celebrity and influence. Kristula-Green concludes, "What does it say that almost all conservative intellectuals pay obeisance to our clowns, while many liberal intellectuals are willing to challenge theirs?"

More Articles On: Mark Levin, Michael Moore, Noah Kristula-Green

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